By Creature
Back then it was so much easier to scream bloody murder when the guy doing the escalating wasn't the one I voted for.
Tuesday, December 1, 2009
President Obama's trip to China -- what still hasn't been said
Guest post by Michael S. Chase
Michael S. Chase is a Fellow with the Truman National Security Project and an Assistant Professor at the United States Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. The views expressed in this article are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of theU.S. Naval War College , the U.S.
Michael S. Chase is a Fellow with the Truman National Security Project and an Assistant Professor at the United States Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. The views expressed in this article are those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the
Ed. note: While it has been some time since Obama's trip to the Far East, this piece, Michael's first guest spot here at The Reaction, provides a valuable look at some of the key issues facing U.S.-China relations, including climate change and regional security, as well as at where those relations may go from here. -- MJWS
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In the two weeks since President Obama's return from his first official visit to China – it does feel like an eternity already – there has been no shortage of reasoned analysis and speculative naval gazing about the meaning of the presidential journey. Journalists, politicians, and bloggers across the political spectrum have debated issues ranging from currency exchange rates to human rights, while Saturday Night Live weighed in by offering a comedic interpretation of how leaders in Beijing might feel about the economic relationship between China and the United States.
Yet in spite of all this talking there's a lot that still hasn't been said. Although the consequences are still coming into focus, President Obama's visit highlighted the changes that are reshaping the U.S.-China relationship. Indeed, the China trip came at a time that could be considered the beginning of a new stage in the history of the U.S.-China relations, one replete with opportunities for cooperation, as well as a number of challenges associated with China's emergence as a major power.
The wide range of topics discussed during President Obama's trip to China underscored the increasing complexity and diversity of the U.S.-China relationship. Compared to past meetings of U.S. and Chinese leaders, President Obama's China visit reflected a much broader agenda. One of the most contentious issues over the past fifty years – Taiwan – seemed noticeably less central, highlighting the extent to which cross-Strait relations have improved since the election of Ma Ying-jeou as Taiwan's president last year.
The issue of human rights also appeared to figure less prominently than in the past, although President Obama's answer to a question about Internet censorship in China provided a powerful reminder that the free flow of information is an indispensable pillar of accountable and responsive government. President Obama's response, which emphasized that the freedom to criticize "makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don’t want to hear," undoubtedly resonated with millions of Chinese citizens.
The trip also underscored the notion that the major challenges facing individual nations are, in reality, global challenges that can only be solved through international cooperation. As President Obama said during his joint press statement with President Hu Jintao, "The major challenges of the 21st century... are challenges that touch both our nations, and challenges that neither of our nations can solve by acting alone." Among the most prominent of the major challenges were economic recovery, climate change, and regional security.
Promoting sustainable growth and economic recovery was clearly one of the top items discussed, reflecting China's growing role in the global economy and the need for U.S.-China coordination in responding to the global financial crisis. Another hot-button topic was global warming and the need for clean energy. The U.S. and China agreed that efforts to combat climate change should include "emission reduction targets of developed countries and nationally appropriate mitigation actions of developing countries." They also announced a number of other energy agreements, including the establishment of a joint clean energy research center.
Regional security challenges – including the North Korean and Iranian nuclear issues and efforts to promote stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan – were of course high on the agenda. But perhaps more interesting was the U.S.-China Joint Statement, which addressed a wide range of issues beyond the core challenges of economic recovery, energy, and regional security. Among the many issues highlighted: cooperation in counter-terrorism, law enforcement, civil aviation, transportation infrastructure, space science, agriculture, public health, military-to-military relations, human rights, and cultural and educational exchanges.
Officials from both sides will undoubtedly seek further progress on many of these issues between now and President Hu Jintao's planned visit to the United States next year. The prospects for cooperation in many of these areas are good, but several deeper challenges are likely to remain on the table for many years to come as the United States seeks to develop a "positive, cooperative, and comprehensive" relationship with China.
Perhaps most fundamentally, the two sides still face a need to build strategic trust in order to avoid misunderstanding or miscalculation. The United States expects China to assume a level of responsibility commensurate with its growing power and influence, but many in the United States are concerned about the uncertainty surrounding how a more powerful and confident China will behave on the world stage.
For China's part, despite assurances that the United States welcomes a stable and prosperous China, many in China suspect that the United States seeks to delay or frustrate China's emergence as a great power. Consequently, much hard work will be required to maximize the opportunities for cooperation in areas where U.S. and Chinese interests converge, and to handle the challenges that reside in areas of continued disagreement.
In the two weeks since President Obama's return from his first official visit to China – it does feel like an eternity already – there has been no shortage of reasoned analysis and speculative naval gazing about the meaning of the presidential journey. Journalists, politicians, and bloggers across the political spectrum have debated issues ranging from currency exchange rates to human rights, while Saturday Night Live weighed in by offering a comedic interpretation of how leaders in Beijing might feel about the economic relationship between China and the United States.
Yet in spite of all this talking there's a lot that still hasn't been said. Although the consequences are still coming into focus, President Obama's visit highlighted the changes that are reshaping the U.S.-China relationship. Indeed, the China trip came at a time that could be considered the beginning of a new stage in the history of the U.S.-China relations, one replete with opportunities for cooperation, as well as a number of challenges associated with China's emergence as a major power.
The wide range of topics discussed during President Obama's trip to China underscored the increasing complexity and diversity of the U.S.-China relationship. Compared to past meetings of U.S. and Chinese leaders, President Obama's China visit reflected a much broader agenda. One of the most contentious issues over the past fifty years – Taiwan – seemed noticeably less central, highlighting the extent to which cross-Strait relations have improved since the election of Ma Ying-jeou as Taiwan's president last year.
The issue of human rights also appeared to figure less prominently than in the past, although President Obama's answer to a question about Internet censorship in China provided a powerful reminder that the free flow of information is an indispensable pillar of accountable and responsive government. President Obama's response, which emphasized that the freedom to criticize "makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don’t want to hear," undoubtedly resonated with millions of Chinese citizens.
The trip also underscored the notion that the major challenges facing individual nations are, in reality, global challenges that can only be solved through international cooperation. As President Obama said during his joint press statement with President Hu Jintao, "The major challenges of the 21st century... are challenges that touch both our nations, and challenges that neither of our nations can solve by acting alone." Among the most prominent of the major challenges were economic recovery, climate change, and regional security.
Promoting sustainable growth and economic recovery was clearly one of the top items discussed, reflecting China's growing role in the global economy and the need for U.S.-China coordination in responding to the global financial crisis. Another hot-button topic was global warming and the need for clean energy. The U.S. and China agreed that efforts to combat climate change should include "emission reduction targets of developed countries and nationally appropriate mitigation actions of developing countries." They also announced a number of other energy agreements, including the establishment of a joint clean energy research center.
Regional security challenges – including the North Korean and Iranian nuclear issues and efforts to promote stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan – were of course high on the agenda. But perhaps more interesting was the U.S.-China Joint Statement, which addressed a wide range of issues beyond the core challenges of economic recovery, energy, and regional security. Among the many issues highlighted: cooperation in counter-terrorism, law enforcement, civil aviation, transportation infrastructure, space science, agriculture, public health, military-to-military relations, human rights, and cultural and educational exchanges.
Officials from both sides will undoubtedly seek further progress on many of these issues between now and President Hu Jintao's planned visit to the United States next year. The prospects for cooperation in many of these areas are good, but several deeper challenges are likely to remain on the table for many years to come as the United States seeks to develop a "positive, cooperative, and comprehensive" relationship with China.
Perhaps most fundamentally, the two sides still face a need to build strategic trust in order to avoid misunderstanding or miscalculation. The United States expects China to assume a level of responsibility commensurate with its growing power and influence, but many in the United States are concerned about the uncertainty surrounding how a more powerful and confident China will behave on the world stage.
For China's part, despite assurances that the United States welcomes a stable and prosperous China, many in China suspect that the United States seeks to delay or frustrate China's emergence as a great power. Consequently, much hard work will be required to maximize the opportunities for cooperation in areas where U.S. and Chinese interests converge, and to handle the challenges that reside in areas of continued disagreement.
Going rogue with quotations: Sarah Palin, John Wooden (Legs), and land redistribution for Native Americans
This. Is. Hilarious. Allow me to post extensively from Geoffrey Dunn's HuffPo post on one of the more awful errors in Sarah Palin's Going Rogue:
There have been so many lies and distortions pointed out in Sarah Palin's Going Rogue since it was released last week that her memoir has already become something of a gag line.
But perhaps the most embarrassing gaffe so far is her mis-attributed quote to UCLA basketball legend John Wooden.
As the epigram to Chapter Three, "Drill, Baby, Drill," Palin assigns the following remarks to the Hall of Fame hoops coach:Our land is everything to us... I will tell you one of the things we remember on our land. We remember our grandfathers paid for it -- with their lives.
Only the quote wasn't by John Wooden. It was written by a Native American activist named John Wooden Legs in an essay entitled "Back on the War Ponies," which appeared in a left-wing anthology, We Are the People: Voices from the Other Side of American History, edited by Nathaniel May, Clint Willis, and James W. Loewen.
Here's the full quote:Our land is everything to us. It is the only place in the world where Cheyennes talk the Cheyenne language to each other. It is the only place where Cheyennes remember the same things together. I will tell you one of the things we remember on our land. We remember our grandfathers paid for it -- with their life. My people and the Sioux defeated General Custer at the Little Big Horn.
Oops! That's not quite the sentiment that Sister Sarah was trying to convey as she guzzled down sugar-free Red Bull and cranked up Toby Keith's "How Do You Like Me Now?" while jumping on her patriotic high horse at the opening of the third chapter.
There's also no small amount of irony in the quote, given Palin's abysmal record on Alaska Native issues during her truncated term as governor.
I was a huge UCLA basketball fan as a kid. Whenever the Bruins came to the Bay Area, I did whatever I could do to snag a ticket. I loved to watch Wooden coach. But I never figured the Wizard of Westwood as an advocate for radical land distribution.
Obviously this one slipped by Sister Sarah and her crack team of investigative journalists Lynn Vincent, Meg Stapleton and Ivy Frye, as well as all those dutiful fact checkers at HarperCollins. Obviously, they didn't get the quote from anything Wooden ever wrote, but from a cute little web site called The Quote Garden. Isn't that sweet?
Okay, I was a little leery reading Palin's book and wondering if she really had read Aristotle and Plato. Somehow I didn't think so. But I thought, maybe, just maybe, she might have read Sir John. Apparently not.
No, she probably didn't read Aristotle or Plato, or any of the other authors "she" quotes -- "she" because she didn't write the book, a ghostwriter did -- and what's embarrassing here is that "she" evidently took this quote from one of many online quotation sites. (I did a quick check of some of them yesterday, initially by doing a Google search for the truncated version of the quote "she" uses in her book, and at some sites the quote, with the references to Cheyennes removed, is indeed attributed to John Wooden, not John Wooden Legs. So we are left to conclude that "she" probably didn't know what she was doing, that "she" didn't intentionally remove the Native American context, and yet that "she" got what she deserved, which is a quote that, taken in its true context, hardly means what "she" meant it to say and in fact undermines the point "she" was trying to make by directly opposing that point.
And, come on, it's really funny that her book, a reflection of her own arrogant yet clueless self-righteousness, includes a quote advocating land distribution by a Native American activist published in a left-wing anthology.
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